Evo Morales

Evo Morales
Born	Juan Evo Morales Ayma 26 10, 1959
Birthplace	Isallawi, Orinoca Canton, Bolivia
Nationality	Bolivian
Occupation	Politician, trade union organizer, former coca farmer
Title	65th President of Bolivia
Known for	65th President of Bolivia (2006–2019); first indigenous president of Bolivia; leader of the Movement for Socialism (MAS)
Children	2

Juan Evo Morales Ayma (born 26 October 1959) is a Bolivian politician, trade union organizer, and former coca farmer who served as the 65th president of Bolivia from 22 January 2006 to 10 November 2019. The first Bolivian president to come from the country's indigenous population, Morales rose from rural poverty in the Altiplano highlands to become one of the most consequential political figures in modern Latin American history. A member of the Aymara people, he spent years as a coca grower and campesino union leader in the Chapare region before entering electoral politics, eventually founding and leading the Movement for Socialism (MAS) party from 1998 to 2024. As president, Morales pursued left-wing economic and social policies, including increased taxation on the hydrocarbon industry, expanded social spending aimed at reducing poverty and illiteracy, and a new constitution that redefined Bolivia as a plurinational state. His administration reduced Bolivia's dependence on the World Bank and International Monetary Fund, forged close alliances with other left-leaning Latin American governments — particularly Venezuela under Hugo Chávez and Cuba under Fidel Castro — and oversaw a period of notable economic growth. His presidency ended in November 2019 amid allegations of electoral fraud and ensuing civil unrest, leading to his resignation and departure from the country.

Early Life

Evo Morales was born on 26 October 1959 in Isallawi, a small settlement in the Orinoca Canton of the Oruro Department, in the highlands of western Bolivia. He was born into an Aymara family of subsistence farmers. His father was Dionisio Morales Choque and his mother was María Ayma Mamani. The family lived in conditions of extreme poverty; Morales has spoken publicly about the hardships of his childhood in the rural Altiplano, where access to education and basic services was limited. He had several siblings, including his sister Esther Morales, who would later become a public figure in her own right.

Morales received a basic education in his youth. Life in the Altiplano was difficult, and the family's subsistence farming provided only meager sustenance. As a young man, Morales completed mandatory military service in the Bolivian Army, serving in the Fourth Ingavi Cavalry Regiment from 1977 to 1978.

In 1978, Morales relocated to the Chapare, a tropical lowland region in the Cochabamba Department. There he became a cocalero — a coca farmer — growing coca leaf, which has been cultivated and used in Andean societies for centuries for traditional, medicinal, and cultural purposes. The Chapare region was at the center of Bolivia's coca-growing economy and would become the focal point of U.S.-backed drug eradication efforts in the ensuing decades. Morales' experiences as a coca farmer and his firsthand exposure to the effects of coca eradication campaigns on indigenous communities shaped his political consciousness and trajectory. He became actively involved in the campesino (rural laborer) trade union movement, which organized coca farmers in defense of their livelihoods and cultural practices against what they viewed as externally imposed drug war policies.

Career

Trade Union Activism and the Coca Movement

Morales rose to prominence in the coca growers' union movement during the 1980s and 1990s. As a campesino union leader in the Chapare, he organized resistance against joint U.S.–Bolivian coca eradication programs, which were part of the broader international war on drugs. Morales and his fellow cocaleros argued that these eradication efforts constituted an imperialist violation of indigenous Andean culture, as the coca leaf held deep traditional and spiritual significance for Bolivia's indigenous peoples, distinct from the refined cocaine product that international agencies sought to combat.

His activism frequently placed him in direct confrontation with the Bolivian state. Morales participated in and organized anti-government direct action protests, including road blockades and demonstrations, which resulted in his arrest on multiple occasions. These clashes reinforced his reputation among Bolivia's rural and indigenous populations as a defender of their rights and livelihoods, while simultaneously drawing the ire of the political establishment and U.S. officials involved in drug policy in the Andes.

Morales' union activism provided the organizational base for his eventual entry into electoral politics. The cocalero movement served as a bridge between trade unionism and political representation for Bolivia's indigenous and campesino communities, many of whom had long been marginalized from the country's traditional political structures.

Entry into Electoral Politics and Rise of MAS

Morales entered formal electoral politics in 1995. In 1997, he was elected to the Bolivian Chamber of Deputies, representing Cochabamba circumscription 27. His election marked a significant moment, as it brought a figure from the indigenous coca growers' movement into the national legislature.

In 1998, Morales became the leader of the Movement for Socialism (Movimiento al Socialismo, or MAS), a political party that had its roots in the cocalero and campesino union movements. Under his leadership, MAS became the primary vehicle for Bolivia's indigenous and left-wing political aspirations, campaigning on issues such as land reform, indigenous rights, the redistribution of revenues from natural gas extraction, and opposition to neoliberal economic policies.

Morales gained increased national visibility through his involvement in two major episodes of social upheaval. The Cochabamba Water War of 2000, in which residents of Cochabamba rose up against the privatization of the city's water supply, galvanized popular opposition to neoliberal reforms and brought international attention to Bolivia's social movements. The Gas War of 2003, a series of mass protests against government plans to export natural gas through Chile, further radicalized the population and destabilized the political establishment. These episodes contributed to a broader crisis of legitimacy for Bolivia's traditional parties and created space for MAS and Morales to present themselves as an alternative.

In 2002, Morales was expelled from the Bolivian Congress for his role in encouraging anti-government protests. However, far from ending his political career, his expulsion only enhanced his standing among his supporters. In the presidential election of the same year, Morales came in second place, a result that signaled the growing electoral strength of MAS and the deep desire for change among Bolivia's poor and indigenous majority.

Presidency: First Term (2006–2010)

Morales won the presidential election in December 2005, securing a decisive majority that made a runoff unnecessary — a rare occurrence in Bolivian politics. He was inaugurated on 22 January 2006 as the 65th president of Bolivia, with Álvaro García Linera serving as vice president. Upon taking office, Morales cut his own presidential salary, a symbolic gesture intended to demonstrate solidarity with ordinary Bolivians.

One of the central initiatives of his first term was the nationalization of Bolivia's hydrocarbon industry. In May 2006, Morales issued a decree requiring foreign energy companies to renegotiate their contracts with the state, significantly increasing the share of gas revenues directed to the Bolivian government. This measure, which Morales characterized as reclaiming Bolivia's natural resources for its people, generated substantial additional revenue that was channeled into social spending programs.

The Morales administration launched a series of social programs targeting illiteracy, poverty, and racial and gender discrimination. These included conditional cash transfer programs, expanded access to healthcare, and literacy campaigns modeled on Cuban programs. Morales was vocal in his criticism of neoliberalism and the structural adjustment policies that had been promoted by the World Bank and International Monetary Fund in previous decades. Under his leadership, Bolivia reduced its dependence on these international financial institutions and sought alternative sources of financing and development cooperation.

In foreign policy, Morales positioned Bolivia firmly within the South American "pink tide," the wave of left-leaning governments that came to power across the continent in the early 2000s. He established close relationships with Hugo Chávez of Venezuela and Fidel Castro of Cuba, and signed Bolivia into the Bolivarian Alliance for the Peoples of Our Americas (ALBA), a regional bloc conceived by Chávez as a counterweight to U.S.-led free trade agreements.

Morales' first term was marked by significant internal tensions, particularly with Bolivia's eastern lowland provinces, which were wealthier, more conservative, and sought greater autonomy from the central government. The departments of Santa Cruz, Beni, Pando, and Tarija pushed for autonomy statutes, and the resulting political conflict threatened to destabilize the country. In 2008, the opposition-controlled departments held unauthorized autonomy referendums, and tensions escalated to the point of violent clashes. Morales expelled the U.S. ambassador, Philip Goldberg, accusing Washington of supporting the opposition's separatist agenda.

Despite this internal opposition, Morales won a recall referendum in August 2008 with approximately 67 percent of the vote, reaffirming his mandate. In 2009, a new constitution was approved by referendum. The document redefined Bolivia as a "plurinational state," formally recognizing the country's many indigenous nations and their collective rights, and enshrining principles of indigenous autonomy, land rights, and environmental protection. The new constitution also allowed Morales to stand for re-election, as it reset presidential term limits.

Presidency: Second and Third Terms (2010–2019)

Morales won re-election in December 2009 with a commanding majority, further consolidating MAS's hold on power. His second term saw continued economic growth, driven in large part by high global commodity prices for natural gas and minerals. Bolivia's GDP grew at rates above the Latin American average during this period, and poverty rates declined significantly. The government continued to invest in social programs and infrastructure.

During this period, Morales oversaw Bolivia's admission to the Bank of the South, a multilateral development bank proposed by left-leaning South American governments as an alternative to the World Bank and Inter-American Development Bank. Bolivia also became a member of the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States (CELAC), reflecting Morales' vision of greater regional integration independent of U.S. influence.

In 2014, Morales won a third presidential term with approximately 61 percent of the vote, making him the longest-serving president in Bolivia's history. He dedicated his electoral victory to Fidel Castro and Hugo Chávez, underscoring the ideological and personal bonds he had forged with Cuba and Venezuela.

However, Morales' efforts to extend his hold on power generated growing controversy. In February 2016, a constitutional referendum was held on whether to amend the constitution to allow Morales to run for a fourth consecutive term. The referendum was narrowly defeated, with approximately 51 percent voting against the amendment. Despite this result, Morales and MAS pursued legal avenues to enable a fourth candidacy, with Bolivia's Constitutional Court ruling in late 2017 that term limits violated Morales' human rights — a decision that drew widespread criticism both domestically and internationally.

Morales also served as president pro tempore of the Union of South American Nations (UNASUR) from April 2018 to April 2019, and as president pro tempore of CELAC from January 2019 until his departure from office in November 2019.

2013 Presidential Plane Incident

In July 2013, an international incident occurred when the presidential plane carrying Morales was forced to land in Vienna, Austria, after several European countries denied it access to their airspace. The episode was prompted by suspicions that former U.S. National Security Agency contractor Edward Snowden was aboard the aircraft. Morales was returning from a conference in Moscow, and Bolivia accused the United States and European nations of violating international law and Morales' diplomatic immunity. The incident sparked outrage across Latin America, with leaders from multiple countries condemning the forced diversion as a breach of sovereignty.

2019 Election Crisis and Resignation

Morales ran for a fourth term in the October 2019 presidential election. The election was highly contested, and preliminary results initially suggested that a runoff would be necessary. However, after a controversial interruption in the vote count, the final results showed Morales winning by a margin that narrowly avoided a second round, prompting accusations of electoral fraud from the opposition and international observers, including the Organization of American States (OAS).

The disputed results triggered widespread protests across Bolivia. In the weeks following the election, demonstrations and strikes paralyzed parts of the country. The situation escalated when the military and police withdrew their support for Morales, with the commander of the armed forces publicly suggesting that Morales resign. On 10 November 2019, Morales announced his resignation, characterizing his departure as a "coup d'état." He subsequently left Bolivia, initially traveling to Mexico, which granted him political asylum, and later to Argentina.

Jeanine Áñez, a conservative senator and opposition figure, declared herself interim president in the aftermath of Morales' departure, a transition that itself was the subject of significant legal and political debate both within Bolivia and internationally.

Post-Presidency

Following his resignation, Morales remained an influential figure in Bolivian politics from exile. He continued to lead MAS and played a role in the party's selection of Luis Arce as its presidential candidate for the 2020 election, which Arce won. Morales eventually returned to Bolivia in November 2020 after Arce's inauguration.

Morales led the Movement for Socialism until November 2024, when he was succeeded as party president by Grover García. In 2025, Morales formed a new political movement called EVO Pueblo, signaling a break with MAS.

Personal Life

Morales has two children. He has spoken publicly about his upbringing in a family of subsistence farmers and has frequently referenced his Aymara heritage and indigenous identity as central to his personal and political life. His father, Dionisio Morales Choque, and mother, María Ayma Mamani, were both Aymara. His sister, Esther Morales, has also been a public figure in Bolivia.

Morales is known for his informal personal style, often wearing a striped sweater or jacket rather than the formal suits typical of Latin American heads of state. He is an avid footballer and has participated in and organized football matches throughout his political career.

During his presidency, Morales drew attention for his decision to cut his own salary upon taking office, a gesture he described as reflecting his commitment to the ordinary citizens of Bolivia.

Recognition

Morales' election in 2005 drew significant international attention as a landmark moment for indigenous political representation in the Americas. As the first president of Bolivia to come from the country's indigenous majority, his rise to power was seen as a reflection of broader social and demographic changes in Latin American politics.

During his presidency, Morales received attention and recognition from various international figures and organizations. His economic policies, which resulted in significant poverty reduction and economic growth during his tenure, were noted by economists and international media. Bolivia's GDP growth outpaced the Latin American average for much of his time in office, and social indicators, including literacy rates and measures of inequality, showed improvement.

Morales' role in the South American pink tide and his alliances with leaders such as Hugo Chávez and Fidel Castro placed him among the most prominent left-wing heads of state in the region during the early 21st century. His advocacy for the rights of coca farmers and indigenous peoples, and his resistance to U.S. drug war policies, earned him support among social movements and left-leaning political organizations internationally.

At the same time, Morales faced significant criticism, particularly regarding his efforts to circumvent presidential term limits, his handling of environmental issues including deforestation, and allegations related to the 2019 election. His presidency and its contested conclusion remain the subject of ongoing debate among scholars, journalists, and political actors in Bolivia and beyond.

Legacy

Morales' presidency represented a fundamental shift in Bolivian politics. For much of the country's post-independence history, political power had been concentrated among an elite of European descent, while the indigenous majority — comprising Aymara, Quechua, Guaraní, and other peoples — remained largely excluded from government and economic opportunity. Morales' election in 2005, and his subsequent re-elections, demonstrated the capacity of Bolivia's indigenous and campesino movements to translate social mobilization into electoral success and state power.

The 2009 constitution, which redefined Bolivia as a plurinational state, is considered one of the most significant institutional changes of the Morales era. The document formally recognized the country's diverse indigenous nations, established indigenous autonomies, and enshrined rights related to land, water, and cultural identity. These constitutional changes reflected the broader aspirations of Bolivia's indigenous movements and have had lasting effects on the country's legal and political framework.

Economically, the Morales years were characterized by the renegotiation of hydrocarbon contracts, increased state control over natural resources, and the expansion of social programs funded by resource revenues. During his tenure, Bolivia experienced sustained economic growth and notable reductions in poverty and inequality. Critics, however, have pointed to the country's continued dependence on extractive industries and the environmental costs of resource extraction during this period.

Morales' departure from office in 2019 and the contested circumstances surrounding it — characterized by his supporters as a coup and by his opponents as the consequence of electoral fraud — remain deeply polarizing in Bolivia. The events of November 2019 and their aftermath highlighted the fragility of democratic institutions and the depth of social and political divisions within the country.

As of the mid-2020s, Morales continues to be an active figure in Bolivian politics, having formed a new political movement after his break with MAS. His influence on Bolivian political life, the indigenous rights movement, and left-wing politics in Latin America remains the subject of significant scholarly and public attention.