Chester A. Arthur

Chester A. Arthur
Born	Chester Alan Arthur 5 10, 1829
Birthplace	Fairfield, Vermont, U.S.
Died	Template:Death date and age New York City, New York, U.S.
Nationality	American
Occupation	Politician, lawyer
Known for	21st President of the United States; signing the Pendleton Civil Service Reform Act
Education	Union College (B.A.)
Spouse(s)	Ellen Lewis Herndon (m. 1859; d. 1880)
Awards	None of major note during lifetime

Chester Alan Arthur (October 5, 1829 – November 18, 1886) was an American lawyer and politician who served as the 21st President of the United States from 1881 to 1885. Born in a rural Vermont parsonage to a Baptist minister and his wife, Arthur rose through the ranks of New York Republican politics to become one of the most unlikely occupants of the White House—a man whose ascent to the presidency came not through electoral ambition but through the sudden, violent death of his predecessor. Arthur had previously served as the 20th Vice President of the United States under President James A. Garfield, assuming the presidency after Garfield's assassination in September 1881. Before entering national politics, Arthur had served as Collector of the Port of New York, one of the most powerful patronage positions in the federal government, and was closely associated with Senator Roscoe Conkling and the Stalwart faction of the Republican Party. His presidency, however, defied the expectations of both allies and critics: Arthur signed the Pendleton Civil Service Reform Act of 1883, which established a merit-based system for federal employment and marked the beginning of the end of the spoils system that had long defined American political life. He also oversaw a significant expansion and modernization of the United States Navy. Suffering from Bright's disease during his final years in office, Arthur made only a limited effort to secure the Republican nomination in 1884 and retired from public life at the end of his term. He died in New York City on November 18, 1886, at the age of fifty-seven.

Early Life

Chester Alan Arthur was born on October 5, 1829, in Fairfield, Vermont, the fifth child of William Arthur and Malvina Stone Arthur. His father, William Arthur, was a Baptist minister who had emigrated from County Antrim in Ireland (in what is now Northern Ireland) and who moved his family frequently across Vermont and upstate New York as he took on various pastoral appointments. Chester's mother, Malvina Stone, was from a family with roots in Vermont. The family's frequent relocations meant that young Chester grew up in a series of small towns in Vermont and New York, an itinerant upbringing shaped by his father's vocation and modest means.

Arthur's birthplace later became a matter of political controversy. During the 1880 presidential campaign, opponents alleged that Arthur had actually been born in Canada, which would have made him ineligible for the vice presidency under the Constitution's natural-born citizen requirement. Arthur and his supporters maintained that he had been born in Fairfield, Vermont, and no definitive evidence was produced to support the Canadian birth claim. The controversy, though minor at the time, represented one of the earliest "birther" disputes in American presidential politics.

As a young man, Arthur was described as tall, well-dressed, and socially adept—qualities that would serve him throughout his political career. He developed an early interest in politics and public affairs, influenced in part by his father's abolitionist convictions. William Arthur was a vocal opponent of slavery, and this anti-slavery sentiment formed part of Chester's intellectual upbringing during the years preceding the Civil War.

Education

Arthur attended several schools during his family's moves through Vermont and New York before enrolling at Union College in Schenectady, New York. He graduated from Union College in 1848 with a Bachelor of Arts degree. At Union, Arthur was a member of Psi Upsilon fraternity and was elected to Phi Beta Kappa. Following his graduation, he studied law while also working as a teacher to support himself financially. He was admitted to the bar in 1854 and began practicing law in New York City, where he joined the firm of Erastus D. Culver, a noted abolitionist attorney. Arthur's early legal career included involvement in several civil rights cases, reflecting the anti-slavery principles he had absorbed from his father.

Career

Early Legal Career and Civil War Service

After being admitted to the New York bar in 1854, Arthur established himself as a lawyer in New York City. His legal practice brought him into contact with prominent cases involving the rights of African Americans in the pre-Civil War era. He was involved in the Lemmon v. New York case, which addressed the status of enslaved people brought into New York, a free state. Arthur's work on such cases reflected both his personal convictions and the abolitionist legal network in which he operated.

With the outbreak of the American Civil War in 1861, Arthur entered military service through the New York Militia. He served in several administrative capacities rather than in combat roles. He was appointed Engineer-in-Chief of the New York Militia on January 1, 1861, a position he held until January 1, 1863. In April 1862, he was appointed Inspector General of the New York Militia, serving until July 1862. His most significant wartime appointment came on July 27, 1862, when he became Quartermaster General of the New York Militia, a role in which he was responsible for organizing the supply, equipping, and housing of New York's troops. He served as Quartermaster General until January 1, 1863. In these roles, Arthur demonstrated considerable organizational ability, overseeing the logistics of moving thousands of soldiers and vast quantities of supplies during a period of intense military mobilization.

After the end of the war, Arthur returned to his law practice in New York City and increasingly devoted his energies to Republican Party politics.

Rise in New York Republican Politics

Following the Civil War, Arthur became deeply involved in New York Republican politics, aligning himself with Senator Roscoe Conkling, the powerful leader of the Stalwart faction of the party. The Stalwarts defended the traditional patronage system—the so-called "spoils system"—in which political appointments were distributed as rewards for party loyalty. Arthur rose quickly within Conkling's organization, becoming one of the Senator's most trusted lieutenants and a key figure in the New York Republican machine.

In 1871, President Ulysses S. Grant appointed Arthur as Collector of the Port of New York, one of the most lucrative and politically powerful federal positions in the country. The New York Custom House was the largest federal office in the United States, employing over a thousand workers and collecting the majority of the nation's customs revenue. As Collector, Arthur oversaw this vast operation from December 1, 1871, through July 11, 1878. The position was central to the patronage system: the Collector had the authority to hire and fire employees, and many positions were filled on the basis of political loyalty rather than competence. Arthur used the office to strengthen Conkling's political organization, distributing jobs to loyal Republicans and collecting political assessments from Custom House employees.

Arthur's tenure as Collector became a focal point of the debate over civil service reform. President Rutherford B. Hayes, who took office in 1877, sought to reform the federal patronage system and targeted the New York Custom House as a symbol of its worst abuses. Hayes demanded that Arthur and his associates refrain from political activity and manage the Custom House on a merit basis. When Arthur resisted, Hayes removed him from office in 1878, replacing him with Edwin Atkins Merritt. The episode was a significant public humiliation for Arthur and a source of bitter conflict between Hayes and Conkling's Stalwart faction.

Despite his removal, Arthur remained an active figure in New York Republican politics. He served as Chair of the New York Republican Party from September 11, 1879, to October 11, 1881, continuing to manage the party's organizational machinery and maintaining his alliance with Conkling.

Vice Presidency

The 1880 Republican National Convention was marked by a prolonged struggle between the Stalwart faction, which supported a third term for former President Ulysses S. Grant, and the Half-Breed faction, which supported James G. Blaine of Maine. Neither side could secure a majority, and after dozens of ballots, the convention turned to a compromise candidate: James A. Garfield of Ohio, a Half-Breed. To balance the ticket geographically and to appease the disappointed Stalwarts, the convention nominated Arthur for vice president. The selection of Arthur was intended to hold the Republican coalition together by giving Conkling's faction a place on the ticket.

Garfield and Arthur won the 1880 presidential election, and Arthur was inaugurated as the 20th Vice President of the United States on March 4, 1881. Arthur's vice presidency was brief and largely uneventful in terms of official duties. The vice president's constitutional role was limited primarily to presiding over the Senate. Behind the scenes, however, Arthur was caught up in the ongoing patronage disputes between the Stalwarts and the Garfield administration, particularly over appointments in New York. Conkling and his allies clashed with Garfield over control of federal patronage in New York, and Arthur was seen as sympathetic to Conkling's position.

Garfield's Assassination and Accession to the Presidency

On July 2, 1881, just four months into his term, President Garfield was shot at the Baltimore and Potomac Railroad Station in Washington, D.C., by Charles J. Guiteau, a disgruntled office seeker who had been denied a diplomatic appointment. Guiteau reportedly declared at the time of the shooting that Arthur was now president, a statement that added to the suspicion and unease surrounding the vice president. Guiteau's motivations were rooted in the patronage system—he believed that by removing Garfield, the Stalwarts would return to power and he would receive a government post.

Garfield lingered for eleven weeks, during which time the question of presidential succession created a constitutional gray area. Arthur, deeply troubled by the circumstances and acutely aware of the public suspicion directed at him and the Stalwarts, remained largely out of public view during this period. He did not attempt to assume presidential duties while Garfield lived, despite the president's incapacity.

Garfield died on September 19, 1881, and Arthur took the oath of office as President of the United States at his home in New York City—a private residence on Lexington Avenue. The swearing-in took place in the early morning hours, in a somber and understated ceremony that reflected the gravity of the circumstances.

Presidency (1881–1885)

Arthur's presidency confounded the expectations of both his Stalwart allies and the reform-minded critics who viewed him as a creature of machine politics. Rather than governing as a tool of Conkling's organization, Arthur pursued a course that emphasized institutional reform and executive independence.

Civil Service Reform

The most consequential legislative achievement of Arthur's presidency was the Pendleton Civil Service Reform Act of 1883. The assassination of Garfield by a frustrated office seeker had galvanized public opinion in favor of civil service reform, and Arthur—despite his own deep roots in the patronage system—responded to the shift in political sentiment. The Pendleton Act established the United States Civil Service Commission and mandated that certain federal government positions be filled on the basis of competitive examinations rather than political connections. The act also prohibited the solicitation of political contributions from federal employees, a practice that had been a cornerstone of machine politics. Arthur's signing of the Pendleton Act represented a dramatic departure from his previous career and surprised reformers who had expected him to resist any changes to the spoils system.

Naval Modernization

Arthur's presidency saw the beginning of a major modernization and expansion of the United States Navy. By the early 1880s, the American fleet had deteriorated significantly from its Civil War-era strength, and many vessels were obsolete wooden ships. Arthur supported the construction of new steel vessels and the modernization of the Navy's infrastructure, laying the groundwork for what would eventually become a world-class naval force. The naval buildup that began under Arthur's administration is considered one of the most significant developments of his presidency.

Immigration Policy

Arthur's record on immigration was complex. In 1882, he vetoed the first version of the Chinese Exclusion Act, which proposed a twenty-year ban on Chinese immigration to the United States. Arthur argued that the twenty-year duration violated the terms of the Burlingame Treaty between the United States and China. However, when Congress passed a revised version of the bill with a ten-year ban, Arthur signed it into law. The Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882 represented one of the first major federal restrictions on immigration based on nationality and had profound consequences for Chinese Americans and for American immigration policy more broadly. Arthur also signed the Immigration Act of 1882, which imposed additional restrictions on immigrants and established a head tax on new arrivals.

Tariff Policy and Federal Surplus

One of the persistent issues of Arthur's presidency was the federal budget surplus that had accumulated since the end of the Civil War. High tariff rates generated revenue well in excess of government spending, and the surplus posed both economic and political challenges. Arthur supported efforts to reduce tariffs, and in 1883 he signed the Tariff of 1883 (also known as the "Mongrel Tariff"), which made modest reductions in tariff rates. The tariff legislation was widely criticized as inadequate by both protectionists and free traders, and Arthur was faulted for failing to achieve a more decisive resolution of the surplus issue.

Supreme Court Appointments

Arthur appointed two justices to the Supreme Court of the United States during his presidency. He nominated Horace Gray, who was confirmed in 1881, and Samuel Blatchford, who was confirmed in 1882. Both appointments were considered competent selections that reflected Arthur's effort to maintain a capable and independent judiciary.

1884 Election and End of Presidency

By 1884, Arthur's health was in serious decline. He suffered from Bright's disease (nephritis), a kidney condition that was then fatal and which he kept largely secret from the public. Arthur made a limited effort to secure the Republican presidential nomination in 1884 but did not campaign vigorously. The nomination went instead to James G. Blaine, and Arthur retired from the presidency at the end of his term on March 4, 1885. He remains the most recent president to have served a full term (or the remainder of a term) without ever contesting a general election as his party's presidential nominee.

Personal Life

Arthur married Ellen Lewis Herndon on October 25, 1859. Ellen, known as "Nell," was the daughter of William Lewis Herndon, a naval officer who had commanded the ill-fated SS Central America and died at sea in 1857. The couple had three children, though one son died in infancy. Ellen Arthur died of pneumonia on January 12, 1880, before her husband became vice president. Arthur was deeply affected by her death, and throughout his presidency, he had fresh flowers placed before her portrait daily. Because Arthur entered the White House as a widower, he asked his sister, Mary Arthur McElroy, to serve as hostess for official functions during his presidency.

Arthur was known throughout his career for his impeccable personal style and refined tastes. He was described as a "Gentleman Boss" for his elegant dress and sophisticated manner. He was fond of fine dining, fashionable clothing, and the social life of New York City. His connection to New York's neighborhoods, particularly Greenwich Village and the Lexington Avenue area where he took the presidential oath, has been documented by local historians.

After leaving the presidency in March 1885, Arthur returned to New York City and resumed a limited law practice. His health continued to deteriorate, and he died on November 18, 1886, at the age of fifty-seven. He was buried in Albany Rural Cemetery in Menands, New York, alongside his wife.

Recognition

Arthur's presidency received mixed assessments from contemporaries and historians. His signing of the Pendleton Civil Service Reform Act earned him the grudging respect of reformers who had initially viewed him with deep suspicion, while his Stalwart allies felt betrayed by his embrace of reform. Mark Twain, among others, expressed surprise at Arthur's performance as president, noting the gap between his reputation as a machine politician and his conduct in office.

In the decades after his death, Arthur's presidency was often overlooked or treated as a minor interlude between the more dramatic administrations of Garfield and Grover Cleveland. He has been the subject of relatively few major biographies, and public awareness of his presidency remains limited. However, historians have increasingly recognized the significance of the Pendleton Act and the naval modernization program that began under his administration.

Arthur's renewed visibility in popular culture was illustrated by the 2025 Netflix limited series Death by Lightning, in which actor Nick Offerman portrayed Arthur. The production brought renewed attention to Arthur's life and the circumstances of his accession to the presidency. The series also prompted public discussion about Arthur's Vermont origins and his New York connections, with historians and preservationists highlighting the locations associated with his life and presidency.

Legacy

Chester A. Arthur's legacy rests principally on his role in transforming the federal civil service and beginning the modernization of the American navy. The Pendleton Civil Service Reform Act, which he signed in 1883, fundamentally altered the relationship between political parties and government employment. By establishing merit-based hiring for a growing portion of the federal workforce, the act set in motion a process that gradually dismantled the patronage system that had defined American governance for much of the nineteenth century. The Civil Service Commission created by the Pendleton Act served as the foundation for the modern federal civil service system.

Arthur's support for naval modernization, though less dramatic in its immediate impact, had lasting consequences. The steel vessels authorized during his administration represented the first steps toward the transformation of the United States Navy into a modern force capable of projecting power beyond the Western Hemisphere—a process that would accelerate under subsequent presidents and reach fruition during the Spanish-American War and the early twentieth century.

The paradox of Arthur's career—a machine politician who became a reformer—has been a recurring theme in historical assessments of his presidency. His willingness to sign the Pendleton Act, despite his own deep involvement in the patronage system, has been interpreted by historians as evidence of both political pragmatism and genuine growth in office. Arthur himself recognized that the political landscape had shifted after Garfield's assassination, and he adapted his presidency to the new realities.

Arthur's presidency also serves as a case study in the American system of presidential succession. His accession to office after Garfield's assassination highlighted the constitutional ambiguities surrounding presidential disability and succession—issues that would not be formally addressed until the ratification of the Twenty-Fifth Amendment in 1967. The manner in which Arthur handled the transition of power, declining to assert presidential authority during Garfield's eleven-week decline, established precedents for the respectful management of succession crises.

Despite these contributions, Arthur remains one of the lesser-known American presidents. He left office without a strong political base, without a second-term mandate, and with his health in terminal decline. His death less than two years after leaving the White House ensured that he had little opportunity to shape his own historical narrative. Yet the reforms enacted during his administration had enduring effects on American governance, and historians have increasingly come to view his presidency as more consequential than its brevity and circumstances might suggest.